The American VS the Russian Revolution
How do revolutions and the fight for independence gain support from a populace? How do they come to fruition in spite of the knowledge that one may die for the cause, or that life may be quite dismal until its aims are realized? The years 1776 and 1917 may have been etched in our minds ever since having to study an introductory world history course. There are many factors shared in both the American and Russian Revolutions, and many aspects not shared. When people of a nation are pushed up against a wall by either a foreign power or a less than a benevolent domestic government, they tend to up rise and seek a new form of government that is beneficial to the people as a whole, such as what happened in the Russian and American revolutions.
The conditions in America, with its open land, presented more economic opportunities to the colonials. Russia too was an open land blessed with much agriculture and many natural resources which gave the prospect of wealth. Contrasted to the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, the American Revolution differs as the former was anti-liberal and hostile to the liberties central to the Patriots cause (O’Sullivan, 2009).
Eradicating the traditions, religion, equality or anything else which the people held as sacred, the Russian Revolution’s aims they fought for were not the end results they were given. By the time the Revolution was at hand, the Bolsheviks, or communists, saw the necessity of propagandizing that they were imposing “perfect freedom.” However, after less than a century of this tyrannical government, its subjects rose up in what has been termed the “Velvet Revolution” because it was mostly peaceful (O’Sullivan, 2009).
From the 1850’s to the dawning of the early twentieth century, Russia was a deeply divided country due to the poor economy; however the ruling class enjoyed a high standard of living. The peasants especially suffered in poverty, while many with just a “comfortable” standard of living began to voice discontent on behalf of the peasants and themselves. Author Leo Tolstoy, who enjoyed much wealth, was in favor of reforms by way of advocating socialism, as demonstrated by his book, Resurrection. Tolstoy, however, was not in favor of a Soviet style Russia, but a benevolent egalitarian society. Russians began to complain about the cushy lifestyle of the Czars. (Hosking, 2001).
Czar Alexander, in 1861, emancipated the peasants and began Russia’s efforts towards industrial development. But industrial development placed hardships on them also as it conflicted with the need for farmland. The Russian Jews were feeling the sting of persecution and were being driven to Zionistic fervor. Non Russians suffered as well. By 1903, Russia became fragmented into several different political groups. Capitalists and the liberal bourgeoisie came to be at odds with each other. The latter, along with other groups, established a Constitutional Democratic Party, while the peasants and the intelligentsia formed the Socialist Revolutionary Party (Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia, 2013).
In the mid seventeenth century, in the English colonies of America, many people were beginning to realize that King George was pushing the limits of his subject’s patience by threatening the existing limited freedoms of British subjects. By 1786, the British were hoping to avoid a confrontation with the discontented. At this time, it was clear that the Declaratory Act, which was a statement of a general principle that Parliament had the right to legislate the colonies “in all cases whatsoever,” was far more threatening than the fury caused by the Stamp Act. A rebellion was brewing; though small in numbers, it was still considered a threat to the crown’s authority (Draper, 1996).
Although these two fires of aggression and anger in Russia and America evolved into two dissimilar and conflicting ideologies, they both began with a grassroots movement among the people who were endeavoring for equality for the common man. The American Revolution, however, was the vision of statesmen like Thomas Jefferson, who was at one time the governor of Virginia, and the architect of self-rule, influenced by the writings of Tocqueville and philosopher John Locke (Draper, 1996).
The Bolshevik’s revolutionary efforts, conversely, were a discontented “workers” movement. They wanted self-rule, but their oppressors were Russians as well; not a foreign dictatorial monarchy. This is one of the many differences between these two revolutionary tenets. Although they were the antipathy of the Jeffersonian Americans who wanted equality for all, they did want egalitarianism for all workers.
The idea of communism has been credited to Karl Marx, a German Jew; but not much has been said about the sixteenth century English theologian, Sir Thomas More. He wrote the famous book, Utopia, which fictionally envisioned a “communist” society where everyone shared and everyone was equal and free as there was no government, just will of the people as a whole. Though More’s vision was a religious communal society (Durant, 1957).
Karl Marx differed from More’s spiritual and improbable world community with his famous quote in, A Contribution to the Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right, (a publication he was writing that was never completed)
“Religious suffering is at one and the same time the expression of real suffering and a protest against real suffering. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world and the soul of soulless conditions. It is the opium of the people” (Marx, 1843).
Rebelling American colonialists essentially adopted the ideals of English philosopher, John Locke, the Oxford scholar and ideologue of a revolutionary effort in England. John Locke’s were the philosophical foundation which assisted Jefferson to form his own moral principles and beliefs. In fact, Thomas Jefferson paraphrased an earlier work of Locke's when he wrote the Declaration of Independence (Draper, 1996). In Locke’s own writing, he visualized a libertarian ethic: “All mankind... being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty or possessions (Locke, 1860).
In 1764, in many areas the colonial people whose livelihoods depended on agriculture were in need of relief from their British overlords. This was due to a significant drought that occurred from 1758 onward. Credit in that day was not unheard of and it could endanger the small independent farmer. It was not unusual for a creditor to claim that debts had not been properly paid and to confiscate a greater sum than the original debt. This was known as usury in that day but judges consistently ruled in favor of moneyed interests. Generally, the result was that the farmer could not rely on the current laws and judges, and as a result it would endanger his family’s subsistence (Sadlier, 2012).
The scare of economic disaster at the hands of those in authority, those favored by the British, stirred growing despair in those such as Piedmont, Carolina agrarians. The situation was exacerbated by the disparities between coastal and western populations because of differences in devout religious beliefs. Moreover, the conflict was also spawned by this mistreatment combined with unjust taxation, which was a violation of their rights as British subjects. This propelled the men to rebel and commit acts of revolution (Sadlier, 2012).
Both autonomous self-government and the idea of communism, as far as inspiring revolution, were not novel ideas. However, it was unprecedented that using these models would lead to victory. The American Revolution was started officially in 1776, a year that many people casually familiar with history believe was the year that the war ended with an American victory, yet in reality it did not end in victory for the patriots until 1873. America was once again challenged by the British in 1882. The Brits, in fact, burned down the first White House.
The Russian Revolution was not a spontaneous effort either. Russia was infected with anarchy and revolution as far back as 1905. Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin served as Prime Minister and the frontrunner of the third Duma, from 1906 to 1911 after a weak revolution in the government echelons. His tenure was marked the determination to counter revolutionary groups and by the implementation of noteworthy agricultural restructurings because of the angered anarchists and communists and their noteworthy threats to the government. The power of the Czar in Russia was being maintained by the skin of its teeth (Hosking, 2001).
Stolypin was assassinated by a gunman in Kiev, Ukraine while attending an opera in 1911, after recently stepping down from the government. Russia was divided by many terrorist groups hoping to overturn the government. It would be a long six years for the final victory to be a realized by the Bolsheviks.
Meanwhile, a communist revolutionary and soon to be leader of the Union of the Soviet’s Socialist Republic (USSR), Vladimir Lenin, remained in exile in Germany. He was hoping to make his way back to Russia as the revolutionary effort was approaching the apex of the socialist uprising. So he promised the Kaiser that if the Germans would assist him in secretly returning to Russia, the soon to be in power Soviets would drop out of the Great War as a quid pro quo. (Hosking, 2001).
At the same time, as the communist revolution was creeping towards becoming a reality in Russia, women were rising up and endeavoring to make gains toward universal suffrage in the United States. In Czarist Russia, the denial of enfranchisement on behalf of its people evoked a picture of medieval barbarism. Progressivism in America, however, played a prominent role in foreign relations during this period and was on the move toward liberalizing society (Smith, 1995). The fact that women in America did not attain the right to vote until much later, yet the communists in Russia made women’s right of suffrage a significant tenant of their aims in revolutionizing Russia, is quite shameful.
America, as a free society, currently and foundationally espouses the rights of the people and the press to criticize the representative government in Washington. This has been challenged by many “sedition laws” after wars or in the threat of war, although they are systematically repealed by new administrations voted in by the people by way of the popular vote (McCullough, 2001).
Freedom of the press is practiced daily by various newspapers, magazines, and the internet. These civil liberties were attained after the revolution was won, and the constitution was written. President John Adams issued sedition laws that were passed by the Federalist Party in 1798 in light of an undeclared and short naval war with revolutionary France, called the Quasi War (McCullough, 2001).
Paul Pirie, in this particular year, wrote a piece in the Washington Post criticizing the American Revolution, and its “flaws:”
“The new republic started advancing life and liberty by keeping a substantial part of its population enslaved. (This, at least, proves the frequent British put-down that Americans don't have a sense of irony.) By contrast, in British-controlled Canada, the abolition of slavery began almost 20 years before the War of 1812, sometimes called America's "Second Revolution.” A good number of free blacks fought with the British against the United States in that conflict, even participating in the burning of Washington. And if, as some scholars argue, the Civil War was the unfinished business of the American Revolution, then Americans - like the Russians - paid a very high human cost for their revolutions” (Pirie, 2013).
Pirie is correct by today’s standards; however, eighteenth century mindsets were not as progressive. Many people of the day genuinely believed that African Americans “needed” the white man’s guidance. Not all slave owners treated their slave cruelly, but treated them as children and valuable assets. As a matter of fact, Thomas Jefferson, who fathered what was then called “mulattoes,” a term describing half-black and half-white offspring (a word considered offensive today), in later life, freed most his slaves in France (Ching, 2009).
As concerning the plight of freedom for the American slaves, it is a little known fact that Abraham Lincoln, as president, emancipated the slave population, but preferred to send them back to Africa; but many African Americans did not want to go there. At that time in history, the black population was born in America and they considered it home. Nevertheless, many of them were sent to western Africa where they set up their own colony called Liberia (Benjamin, 2001).
A historiographical notion today portrays post-Soviet Russia as having institutional, generational and intellectual conflict. The young are living in a pseudo-democracy, yet the curriculum in most universities in Russia is dominated by archaic revolutionary idealism. The old guard continues to dominate the choice of research topics and the circulation of resources, as well as administering graduation degrees (Kolonitskii, 2009).
This is not unlike many major universities in the United States currently. There are political taboos in both countries’ academia (Kolonitskii, 2009). It is amazing that those on the left are so adamant about resurrecting dead political systems such as socialism and communism which are proven failures with such affectionate doting as demonstrated the radical, although camouflaged as a mere democratic ideologue, Saul Alinsky.
In the final part of the American patriot’s efforts to push the British out of America, centuries ago, a very important and strategic location for them was the Chesapeake Bay, not just for trade purposes, but as a significant supply line between Philadelphia and the southern colonies. These were factors that were essential to General George Washington’s warring efforts, along with the fact that Eastern Shore farmers supplied food for his army. If the British had cut off supplies and communications to the region, perhaps they could have suppressed the rebellion (Neville, 2009). The life of the war that initially began after the Boston Massacre, in which only five Americans were killed, was finally coming to a head; giving the Americans the hope of an eventual victory for Washington’s originally ragtag army.
When total revolution in Russia was complete, the revolutionaries viewed themselves as intellectuals and the dethroned ruling class as a group of expendable and non-progressive indulgers. In the aftermath, there was not only a governmental revolution in Russia, but a scientific one as well. No patrons were more willing to support scientific breakthroughs than the Bolsheviks (Krementsov, 2006).
Why would the communists want scientific knowledge? It was because, as Francis Bacon once wrote, “knowledge is power!” In just twenty years, the Soviet scientists and the communist hierarchy mutually turned Russia from a modest province into a great center of learning in the world. They owned the scientific movement until the capitalist nations caught up and surpassed them (Krementsov, 2006). The same is true in the great space race, decades later.
The Soviet Union and the United States both attained their desired ends, and their ideologies could only be described as juxtaposition of intents and purposes for mankind in both countries. America chose an egalitarian society that espoused freedom. The Union of the Soviet Socialist Union also attained an egalitarian society as well, where everyone was equally oppressed. Yet both were birthed by a reaction of resistance to the established order of subjection. One by a monarchy from a foreign nation, and one by a basic monarchy with total power over haves and have not’s. One won independence, yet both won a revolution.
It is self-evident that when people of a nation are pushed up against a wall by either a foreign power or a less than a benevolent domestic government, they tend to up rise and seek a new form of government that is beneficial to the people as a whole, such as what happened in the Russian and American revolutions.
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